Juniper Berthiaume (1744-?) French Missionary to the Penobscot Tribe

Pope Francis said on his Apostolic Journey to Canada in July 2022, “I have been waiting to come here and be with you! Here, from this place associated with painful memories, I would like to begin what I consider a pilgrimage, a penitential pilgrimage. I have come to your native lands to tell you in person of my sorrow, to implore God’s forgiveness, healing and reconciliation, to express my closeness and to pray with you and for you.”

Pope Francis was addressing the years of abuse perpetrated by some Catholics upon the indigenous First Nations of North America. As the Pope said on his visit, “when the European colonists first arrived here, there was a great opportunity to bring about a fruitful encounter between cultures, traditions and forms of spirituality. Yet for the most part that did not happen.”

There is much anger among the First Nations, such that his listeners might not have picked up on another comment he made: “Christian charity was not absent, and there were many outstanding instances of devotion and care for children.”

Indeed, there are thousands of examples of people who came to American to fulfill the Great Commission. These people had love not hate in their heart. Many of these missionaries are well known. Some are just a footnote in history. One of these footnotes is the French Canadian missionary, Franciscan Juniper Berthiaume.

Of the thousands of missionaries who traveled about America from the beginning of the Spanish voyages of discoveries through the centuries to today, many were lay missionaries, not ordained as priests or deacons, but those who committed their lives to God and the Great Commission either by joining religious orders or through the activities of service in their parish, by teaching, and through other volunteer work. One such person was Juniper Berthiaume, whose life is obscured by time and the lack of records, save letters and journals by which his significant work as a missionary to the Penobscot tribe of Maine and the Micmac of eastern Canada in the 1780s can be recreated.

The Penobscot region, like most of the eastern frontier of Maine, was under the influence of New France during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, hence had been dominated by Roman Catholic interests as delivered to the native inhabitants, the Abenakis, by Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries. The Penobscot tribe in particular had the presence of French missionary priests among them for generations until the end of the French-Indian War in 1763. Thereupon the English governed the region and had the age-old antipathy toward Papism. In the period after the French-Indian War, the Penobscot and other Abenaki tribes of Maine felt increasingly abandoned. Their new masters the English preferred to send Anglican rather than Catholic missionaries among them. This changed during the war. The Penobscot people, wishing to ally themselves with the Americans, appealed to the government of Massachusetts to assign a Catholic priest to serve their interests. One priest, a chaplain with the French navy, ministered to the Penobscot for about a year. He was soon replaced by another missionary, who stayed much longer with the Penobscot tribe. This was Juniper Berthiaume.

Frère Juniper was a native of Quebec, educated in France and Quebec. Surviving records shed little light on his early years. One anecdote has it that he was frustrated with the Franciscan authorities in Quebec and decided to cross the St. Lawrence to the American camp, where he brought General Washington important correspondence from agents in Quebec. Perhaps. What is certain is that Frère Juniper had joined the Recollect Franciscans in Quebec around 1768; in 1776 he lived at the Franciscan convent in Montreal; in 1778 he was living at St. Peters, Newfoundland; and in 1780 he was in Rhode Island, perhaps because he served as a chaplain in the French fleet, which frequently anchored at Newport. At the same time, Penobscot Indians led by their chief Orono arrived in Rhode Island to appeal for a Catholic priest to minister to them. Their appeal was answered in 1780 by the Massachusetts General Court, which appointed Juniper Berthiaume an “instructor” to the Penobscot tribe. He traveled with the Penobscot to Maine, stopping at Fort Halifax at the confluence of the Kennebec River with the Sebasticook River. Here he stayed, ministering to the Penobscot tribe, and representing their interests before Massachusetts authorities. Neither he nor the Indians received full financial support from the Massachusetts government. He was released, then reinstated, then released, by the government, though he was often unaware of his official status with the Penobscot. What he knew for certain was that they depended on him, and he in turn felt called to minister to them as a missionary.  

Upon the conclusion of the Revolutionary War in 1783, New England Congregational missionaries set their sights on causing religious change among the Maine Indians after several centuries of Roman Catholic missionary influence. A leader in this endeavor was the Rev. Daniel Little (1724-1801), who was pastor of the Second Parish of Wells (Kennebunk) for fifty years. Little made half a dozen journeys before and after the War for Independence along Maine’s eastern shore as far as Penobscot Bay, visiting the scattered settlers of the coast, ascending the Penobscot River to reach out to, make peace with, minister to, and convert to Protestantism, the Penobscot tribe. During his journey in 1786, Little was sanguine that he would accomplish his mission by establishing a school to teach the Indian children English as a pathway to their learning the English Bible and the Congregational Way. What he did not anticipate was the presence among the Penobscot of forty-two-year-old French Franciscan lay Frère Juniper Berthiaume, who by this time had years of experience living with, teaching, and ministering to the Maine Indians. Frère Berthiaume worked against Little’s project to convert the Penobscot tribe, forcing the Congregationalist to retreat from the Penobscot region in frustration.

Frère Juniper was the spiritual leader of the Penobscot people, Rev. Little learned, but he was something of a maverick; neither the Bishop of Quebec nor the Superior of the Missions of the Thirteen United States authorized his work among the Indians. Nevertheless, he performed many of the sacraments the best he could, including communion though he was not able to consecrate the elements, and confession though he could not absolve the penitents of their sins. As a result, the Quebec Vicar General Henri-François Gravé de la Rive encouraged Catholics in Maine to drive the Berthiaume out of Maine; but Frère Juniper stayed. Compared to what the Penobscot people had experienced in recent decades, and the frequent lack of a priest among them, Frère Juniper’s limited role must have been perfectly acceptable to their needs. At some point between 1786 and 1788, Frère Juniper departed Maine for New Brunswick, there to minister to the Micmac tribe. In October 1788, the newly installed Bishop of Quebec, Jean-François Hubert, wrote letters to two Catholic leaders in New Brunswick, requesting that they determine the whereabouts of Juniper Berthiaume, and force him to leave the Micmac tribe alone and depart New Brunswick. At some point Juniper Berthiaume did depart New England and Canada for warmer climes. There exist scattered records from the Diocese of New Orleans, Louisiana, when under Spanish influence in 1796, of reports of a parish priest of New Madrid on the Mississippi River being drunk during the sacrament of Eucharist. The person who reported the priest was a Franciscan assigned to the parish, Frère Juniper Berthiaume!

Frère Juniper was one of those who Pope Francis said had “Christian charity.” Nothing required him to stay, teach, and minister to the Indians of the upper North American coast, against a host of odds, than the pure love of Jesus in his heart.

(For more information on Juniper Berthiaume, see Russell M. Lawson, Apostle of the East: The Life and Journeys of Rev. Daniel Little, available at Apostle of the East–soft cover | Ash Hill Publishing)

A version of this essay appeared in Catholic Exchange

For more see American Catholics: An Encyclopedic History, Bloomsbury Publishing: https://www.amazon.com/American-Catholics-Encyclopedic-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0FPDCD57G/ref=books_amazonstores_desktop_mfs_aufs_ap_sc_dsk_1?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=amWGR&content-id=amzn1.sym.6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_p=6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_r=142-5197957-8175817&pd_rd_wg=7BluF&pd_rd_r=ff793b35-a49e-4f38-9f31-f263eec7cbec

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Missionary John Thayer

John Thayer (1755-1815) was a New England convert, educated at Yale where he was taught that all things Roman Catholic were despicable. Then he went to Europe and underwent a conversion—a most unexpected religious change. He wrote a book about his experience, The Conversion of the Reverend John Thayer, formerly a Protestant Minister of Boston, Written by Himself, which was of interest to New Englanders, then he returned and became a priest, the first New Englander consecrated by John Carroll. He served in Boston (where at the time a priest was really a missionary among the overwhelming majority in opposition), got into some intellectual controversies between Catholics and Protestants, then went out west (the Old Northwest, Ohio River Valley) to be a missionary. Eventually he went to Ireland, where he lived the rest of his life as a village priest.

Thayer’s life is instructive in several ways. He was restless and headstrong, but had to learn to give into Providence, to accept God’s ways. He was controversial and opinionated—as a Catholic living in New England he experienced bias towards his beliefs, but he did not learn the lesson, and turned his bias against slaves in Kentucky. Eventually his legacy would be a symbol of wrongheaded bias that could take a fiery and deadly turn.

Thayer served as a Protestant chaplain during the Revolutionary War, but when the war began to grind to a halt, Thayer, restless, decided to travel to Europe, thinking it would be a novelty to see how Catholics in France and Italy treated a Congregational minister. He was, surprisingly, welcomed by Catholics, and made to feel at home. He learned Italian, and had a lengthy stay in Rome, where, against his previous intentions, he began to fall under the spell of Roman Catholicism: the liturgy, the Saints, the Virgin, the priests: “thanks to that admirable Providence,” he later recalled, “which made all conduce to my good; as the desire of travelling had led me to the centre of light, without my knowledge, so the desire of instructing myself, brought me to the knowledge of the truth without my intention.” Providence had steered him in the opposite way. He attended the Seminary of St. Sulpice in Paris, where he was ordained in 1789, whereupon he returned to Boston.

Boston at the time was a Protestant stronghold of the vestiges of Puritanism with some liberal Protestant beliefs springled in. The number of Catholics in the city was perhaps a hundred or so, and these were mostly French-speaking immigrants and a few Irish immigrants, and neither saw eye to eye. The French were suspicious of a convert American priest, though the Irish were more tolerant of Father Thayer. The first American bishop, John Carroll, gave Father Thayer permission to try to organize a church, and to begin to spread the Good News throughout the New England towns surrounding Boston. There were a few French missionary priests in the neighborhood as well, though they mostly did not get along with Thayer.

Father Thayer, indeed, was a fiery personality, often argumentative, unwilling to ignore an attack on his person or his religion. He often argued with his French counterparts as well as the clergy of Boston. Thayer, for example, engaged in a literary battle with the Protestant clergyman and historian Jeremy Belknap, who had written a history of colonial America in which he described the Wars for Empire between the English and the French, and accused the French of converting the Algonquian tribes of northern New England not only to Catholicism, but to hatred for Protestants as well. Thayer took Belknap to task for not presenting both sides of the story, that Protestants had been just as violent and warlike as their Native American counterparts, and French priests, such as Father Sebastian Rale, the Jesuit missionary to the Norridgewock Indians of Maine, did them a service not only by converting them to the true faith but also by helping them defend their homeland against aggressive Protestant militia forces. Thayer accused Belknap and other New England Protestants of bias and name-calling, taunting Catholics for being superstitious idol-worshippers. Such was the atmosphere of bigotry and oppression in which American Catholics lived at the beginning of the United States in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

Bishop Carroll grew impatient with Father Thayer’s combativeness, even if it was for a good cause. When Thayer, who became increasingly frustrated in his attempts to spread the Great Commission in Massachusetts, requested a new assignment as a missionary in the trans-Appalachian West, Carroll agreed. But Thayer’s time working in the vineyard of Kentucky was not fruitful either. When he arrived, he worked with Father Stephen Badin and other priests who at the time relied on slave labor to provide for material wealth to engage in their frontier ministry. Catholics such as Father Badin argued that slaves were children of God deserving baptism and the sacraments, but their inferiority to whites meant that enslavement was what was best for their own needs. The New Englander Thayer was at first outraged. But in time, when he became obsessed with building a new convent, he convinced himself that he could not do it without slaves, so changed his tune, embraced slavery, and even was accused (anecdotally) of whipping recalcitrant slaves. Such erratic behavior could only mean he was dissatisfied. He finally left Kentucky, and America as well, adding to his complete departure from his Protestant heritage by completely departing from his New England ancestry. In 1803 he journeyed to Ireland, settling in Limerick, where he became a parish priest.

But Father Thayer could not escape Providence, could not escape the impact he would have on America. In Ireland he got to know James Ryan, his daughters Margaret, Anne, Mary, and Catherine, and their cousin Catherine O’Connell Molineaux. Thayer, thinking about his homeland and wishing still to make an impact, contemplated helping the young women go to America to join the Ursuline convent in Quebec. He wrote to his friend Father Francis Anthony Matignon to help the Ryans and their cousin. The young women departed Ireland and traveled to America, where Father Matignon welcomed them and helped them to travel to the Ursuline convent at Trois Rivières in Canada, which they entered for their novitiate. Meanwhile Father Thayer became ill and died, leaving behind a legacy of funds that he had requested Father Matignon invest for the purpose of eventually building an Ursuline convent in Boston. Before he died Father Matignon invested the money, which earned interest while the Ryan women became Ursuline nuns intent on going to Boston to serve. The Ryan sisters–Mary Ryan, Sister Joseph, superior; Catherine Molineaux, Sister Mary Angela; Catherine Ryan, Sister Mary Magdalene; Margaret Ryan, Sister Mary Augustine–arrived in Boston in 1820, opened the convent (in nearby Charlestown) under the authority of Bishop Jean-Louis Lefebvre de Cheverus, and began working with the poor. In time, as renewed anti-Catholicism swept New England, the convent in Charlestown was notorious as a place where Ursuline nuns groomed young women for, Protestants believed, diabolical purposes. Intense hatred and bigotry, the kind of sinful feelings Father Thayer had experienced when he first came to Boston, the same hatred he turned upon others, slaves, in Kentucky, came full circle. The Mount St. Benedict Convent was attacked and burned down by an angry mob of Protestants in 1834, becoming a symbol of the destructive hatred that Christians—all humans–fall prey to.

A version of this essay appeared in Catholic Exchange

For more see American Catholics: An Encyclopedic History, Bloomsbury Publishing: https://www.amazon.com/American-Catholics-Encyclopedic-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0FPDCD57G/ref=books_amazonstores_desktop_mfs_aufs_ap_sc_dsk_1?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=amWGR&content-id=amzn1.sym.6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_p=6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_r=142-5197957-8175817&pd_rd_wg=7BluF&pd_rd_r=ff793b35-a49e-4f38-9f31-f263eec7cbec

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Junipero Serra: Work and Prayer

Franciscan Junipero Serra (1713-1784), one of the founders of Catholicism in California, should he miraculously walk the paths of California today (on tired, sore, bare feet, for he believed in the practice of mortification), he would be astonished at the vitriol and condemnations of his efforts at bringing the Great Commission among the native people of California.

In recent years the Left has joined on the bandwagon of hating Franciscan missionaries such as Fray Serra, who has become a symbol of the evils of the Spanish missionary experience in colonial California. Serra has been accused of outrageous actions by the Left in books such as Bad Indians by Deborah Miranda (2013) and in petitions to condemn his memory in such as the following: “Serra is not the historical hero people thought when this landmark statue to him was erected [in Ventura], one of many throughout California, as a historical emblem, he is toxic and should be removed. As a community we cannot and will not support the dehumanization of the Native American community any longer. We are calling for restorative justice and are petitioning for his statue to be removed immediately.” (https://www.change.org/p/ventura-city-council-removal-of-father-serra-statues-name-change-of-schools)

In response, Archbishop of Los Angeles Jose Gomez declared: “The real St. Junipero fought a colonial system where natives were regarded as ‘barbarians’ and ‘savages,’ whose only value was to serve the appetites of the white man. For St. Junipero, this colonial ideology was a blasphemy against the God who has ‘created (all men and women) and redeemed them with the most precious blood of his Son’.” Fray Serra “lived and worked alongside native peoples and spent his whole career defending their humanity and protesting crimes and indignities committed against them.” (https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/45029/st-junipero-serra-protested-colonial-oppression-and-abuses-archbishop-gomez-says)

Yes, Junipero Serra sacrificed his life for others. A native of Majorca, he was an intellectual and expert on the Medieval philosopher John Duns Scotus. A Franciscan devoted to the Great Commission, Fray Serra responded to Jesus’ commandment to leave family and friends and, in 1749, journeyed to America. Upon landing at Veracruz, he traveled to Mexico City by foot in an act of humility and mortification. Arriving, he stopped to pray at the shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe, then joined the faculty of the College of San Fernando, where he often spent years working as a missionary to the people of the Querétaro region northwest of Mexico City. In 1767, Fray Serra was appointed presidente of Franciscan missions in California, to which he journeyed.

Fray Serra traveled to Baja California, where the Spanish had established numerous missions, before turning his attention to the north, Alta California, in 1769. He journeyed overland through Baja California, halting on his journey in April, 1769, between Mission Purisima Concepción and Mission Guadalupe, where he found the local Indian tribe, the Cochimi, suffering from lack of food. “When night came on I tarried on the ground,” he wrote in his diary. “There I talked with some ten families of Indians, and when I asked them for the reason of their being there, they told me with much sorrow that they were of the mission of Guadalupe; and that the Father, for want of provisions, had found himself obliged to send them out to the mountains to seek their food; and that as they were not accustomed to this, their hardship was great, particularly in seeing their babies suffer and hearing them cry. I felt sorry enough, and though it was somewhat unfortunate that the pack-train was behind and could not arrive that night, they were not left without some alleviation; for with a portion of pinole which I carried they made themselves a dish of good atole, which was for the women and children. Afterwards the process was repeated for the men. At this they were consoled, the more so, when I told them that they should go to their mission; that already corn was on the way to the Father by sea from Mulegé by order of the most illustrious inspector. I took my rest, and had them pray together. They concluded by singing a very tender song of the love of God; and as those of that mission have justly the fame of singing with especial sweetness, I had a good deal of consolation in hearing them.” (Quoted in Zephyrin Engelhardt, The Missions and Missionaries of California (San Francisco: James Barry, 1908), 1: 349-50.)

A month later on May 15th, still on the road in northern Baja California, Fray Serra encountered many Indians whom he called “gentiles,” meaning they had not yet heard the Good News. “And I praised God,” Serra wrote, “for allowing me to encounter such humble creatures for whom there appear to be no obstacles that would prevent them from receiving the light of the Holy Gospel.” In June Serra wrote: “The time we have spent with them has been most pleasurable. Their beautiful physique, comportment, friendliness, and happiness have won all our hearts.” June 26, “one of the women wanted me to hold the infant she was nursing. I held him in my arms for a while, so wishing that I could baptize him.” (Quoted in Beebe and Senkewicz, Junipero Serra: California, Indians, and the Transformation of a Missionary (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015,)186, 194, 197.)

On his many journeys, usually on foot, Fray Serra often incurred leg sores that became chronic, so that his friends were worried for his health. He had such sores on his journey through Baja California. Arriving at San Diego in July 1769, Serra’s leg unexpectedly began to heal–and so too did the people under his charge at the new mission he founded, Mission San Diego de Alcalá, where he halted to take time (about nine months) to tend to the many sick. In July, 1770, he moved north, founding Mission San Carlos de Monterey on the Carmel River (renamed Mission San Carlos Borroméo de Carmelo), a place from where Fray Serra would direct his missionary activities in Alta California. He founded Mission San Antonio de Padua, near Monterey in the Santa Lucia Mountains, in July 1771. Two months later Fray Serra founded Mission San Gabriel, named for the archangel. In 1772 he founded Mission San Luis Obispo de Toloso.

In November, 1776, Fray Fermin Francisco de Lasuén founded Mission San Juan Capistrano on the San Juan Creek. A month later, Fray Serra was journeying with Fray Lasuén on the path from Mission San Carlos on the Carmel River to the new Mission San Juan Capistrano. Caught in a terrible rainstorm, the two Franciscans and their military escort were confronted by warriors from the Chumush tribe, who were often aggressive toward the Spanish; indeed, Fray Lasuén the previous year had narrowly escaped death at their hands. But this time, the Chumush came to the aid of the Franciscans, carrying Fray Serra through a difficult, muddy passage. In return Fray Serra stayed with the people, getting to know them, praying and singing with them. “And for me,” he wrote in his diary, “this served to deepen the compassion I have felt for them for quite some time.” (Quoted in Beebe and Senkewicz, Junipero Serra, 19)

At some of the many missions founded by Fray Serra, such as at San Diego, the local Indians, the Kumeyaay, rebelled against the Spanish presence, especially of the soldiers at the local presidio. On several occasions the Indians attacked the mission. The 1773 attack killed the resident Franciscan missionary, Fray Luis Jayme, who ironically had been a champion of Indian rights against the presidio soldiers. Fray Serra made the decision not to avenge his death, rather to capture, briefly imprison, and set free the Kumeyaay warriors, hoping by such generosity to bring them closer to the faith.

Fray Serra followed the dictates of the Franciscans and other missionaries in America, who believed that Christianity and civilization were linked, that converts must be catechized and learn the sign of the cross before baptism, must learn to farm, and must live in missions to be directed by the missionaries, who thought of the Indians as spiritual children, and believed that often the body must be mortified to embrace the spirit; hence corporeal punishment was often necessary, even if self-inflicted. As he wrote in 1778, “I maintain that settlements populated by fine Spanish citizens who are models of good behavior can be established only after the gentiles who are scattered across the territory have become Christians and have been brought together in their respective . . . missions.” (Quoted in Beebe and Senkewicz, Junipero Serra, 357.)

In Fray Serra’s missions, every day the people of the mission came together for morning mass, which involved the homily and hymns of praise to God. “Then they go to breakfast on the mush (atole) which is made for all, and before partaking of it they cross themselves and sing the Bendito [hymn of praise]; then they go to work at whatever can be done, the padres inclining them and applying them to the work by setting an example themselves; at noon they eat their soup (pozole), which is made for all alike (de comunidad); then they work another stint; and at sunset they return to recite doctrine and end by singing the Alabado,” an evening hymn of praise. (Quoted in Elliott Coues, ed. and trans., On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer: The Diary and itinerary of Francisco Garcés (Missionary Priest) in His Travels through Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775-1776, vol. 1 (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1900), 262.)

Junipero Serra was a teacher, a man who gave his life to Christ in obedience to the Great Commission. He believed in establishing missions for the Indians to follow the examples of St. Benedict and St. Francis, who, according to Pope Francis, believed in “combining prayer and spiritual reading with manual labor (ora et labora). Seeing manual labour as spiritually meaningful proved revolutionary. Personal growth and sanctification came to be sought in the interplay of recollection and work. This way of experiencing work makes us more protective and respectful of the environment; it imbues our relationship to the world with a healthy sobriety.” (Pope Francis, On the Care for Our Common Home, section 126: https://www.vatican.va/content/francesco/en/encyclicals/documents/papa-francesco_20150524_enciclica-laudato-si.html)

Work and prayer: Junipero Serra taught others to believe what he believed, that these are the keys to a successful life.

A version of this essay appeared in Catholic Exchange

For more see American Catholics: An Encyclopedic History, Bloomsbury Publishing: https://www.amazon.com/American-Catholics-Encyclopedic-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0FPDCD57G/ref=books_amazonstores_desktop_mfs_aufs_ap_sc_dsk_1?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=amWGR&content-id=amzn1.sym.6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_p=6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_r=142-5197957-8175817&pd_rd_wg=7BluF&pd_rd_r=ff793b35-a49e-4f38-9f31-f263eec7cbec

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Louis Hennepin (1626-1704), Missionary of Hope

When a person thinks back to the colonial American past imagining what the first Catholic missionaries who braved the elements, journeyed into the forests, and canoed down American rivers, must have been like, they are thinking of such a person as Frère Louis Hennepin, the epitome of the Catholic missionary in America. Frère Hennepin was a Récollect Franciscan, the Récollects being one of the reform movements of sixteenth century France that emphasized austerity, penance, prayer as well as being devoted to the Great Commission. Frère Hennepin was not only a missionary explorer but a writer as well, penning one of the great accounts of missionary adventure and a lively description of the French colony of Louisiana in his book, Description of Louisiana.

Louis Hennepin was Flemish, born in Belgium, educated in Belgium and France. Early on in life realized his desire to remove himself from the concerns of the world and devote himself to his relationship with God. Hence, after traveling throughout Europe, gaining a lust for adventure and exploration, serving as a chaplain in war, working in the fisheries of Calais, listening to the stories of seamen who had crossed the Atlantic to New France, imagining what the new lands in American must be like, he joined the Récollect Franciscans. Assigned to New France, he sailed in 1675, arriving to Quebec, where he served at Hotel Dieu, the first hospital for the needy and ill in Quebec, before being assigned as chaplain at Fort Frontenac, situated in what is today Kingston where Lake Ontario is the source of the St. Lawrence River; he also served as missionary to the Iroquois at the Quinte Mission on the north shore of Lake Ontario. During these initial years in New France Frère Hennepin, when he was not praying, catechizing Indian children (often in their own languages), teaching Indian children French, caring for the sick, and saying mass, on his off time he traveled about Quebec and Lake Ontario hiking (often alone) into the interior on snowshoes with sled dogs and canoeing wild rivers and streams in search of adventure.

In 1679, Hennepin and other Franciscans joined René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, on a voyage of exploration setting forth from Fort Frontenac across Lake Ontario. They arrived at the mouth of Niagara River, ascended the river to the falls, took portage around the falls, then halted to construct a three-masted small ship, a bark, on which they crossed Lake Erie from east to west. Arriving at around present-day Detroit, they ascended the Detroit River, traveled through Lake St. Claire, then entered Lake Huron. The journey north and west through Lake Huron was harrowing. The storms on Lake Huron were notoriously dangerous, especially for a small wooden ship driven only by sails catching the wind. The Franciscans led the crew in prayers and dedicated the voyage to the care of St. Anthony of Padua. By the end of August they were glad to reach the strait between Lake Huron and Lake Michigan, which the French called Michilimackinac. From here they sailed into Lake Michigan. At Green Bay La Salle ordered the bark to return to Niagara while he and fourteen men in four birch bark canoes made the treacherous way south along the shores of Lake Michigan, trying to avoid conflict with the inhabitants, the Pottawattamie Indians. For any of the hundreds of missionaries who traveled the North American wilderness, food was always an issue. The missionary explorers with La Salle faced the possibility of starvation dozens of times. Faith, hope, and commitment to the Great Commission drove them forth. Hunger led them from Lake Michigan to the Illinois River, down which they went until they came upon an Illinois village, the warriors of which threatened to attack. Hennepin recalled in Description of Louisiana that he and the two other Franciscans, Frère Zenobius and Frère Gabriel, approached the Indians, took “their children by the hand, who were all trembling with fear; we manifested much affection for them, entering with the old men and the mothers into the cabins, taking compassion on these souls, which are going to destruction, being deprived of the word of God and lacking missionaries.” Love averted conflict.

               Nearby La Salle established a fort; the men were still desperate for food; their ultimate goals, the Mississippi River and the Gulf of Mexico, were still far away. La Salle sent Hennepin and two French voyageurs to reconnoiter the way to the Mississippi. Upon reaching the great river, they did an exploratory descent; they felt much fear. Hennepin led the French canoers in prayer, especially calling upon the aid of St. Anthony, hoping that they would survive if and when they met Indian warriors. Their prayers were answered, as upon meeting with a Sioux war party who threatened death, Hennepin approached them and prostrated himself on bended knee with presents; the warriors spared their lives but made them captives. Forced to ascend the Mississippi to the Sioux village, for nineteen days the war party paddled upriver. Hennepin repeated time and again the Litany of the Blessed Virgin Mary to gain patience and strength. Soon they reached the path to the village, but the challenges of the forced journey were just beginning. Prayers helped Hennepin endure forced marches from dawn to dusk, crossing icy streams in which Hennepin, who was able to swim, exhausted himself in rushing water with ice shards cutting his skin. He could barely walk at times, but he could not halt, or the penalty would be death.

The Sioux village was at the Falls of St. Anthony on the upper Mississippi River. Here Hennepin was adopted by a Sioux family. His life was hard, with much work and little food, but Hennepin never lost his faith in God. He never lost his purpose for the journey, attempting to impart the Christian message by words and actions to the warriors, their wives, and the little children of the tribe. How does one go from being a captive to a teacher? Challenges faced by all missionaries in North America were the difficulty in communicating their message and the apathy of their listeners, who were engaged in the struggle to survive. Hennepin, like Franciscan missionaries before and since, taught the people of the village to cross themselves, to repeat basic prayers, to kneel, to do homage to the Virgin Mary. He used pictures, prayer beads, crucifixes, all of which the Sioux enjoyed. But often after catechism and prayers they seemed to forget, and the lessons would have to start again. To gain their trust, Hennepin practiced healing arts. He had brought herbal healing aids with him and applied them to the sick along with prayers to Christ and the Virgin for healing. Hennepin was also genuinely fascinated by the people, their culture and customs, their language and beliefs. The Indians, he thought, were amazingly superstitious, but his knowledge was not that much better—Hennepin believed like other seventeenth-century Europeans that the tribes of America were descended from the Lost Tribes of the ancient Hebrews. Indeed, the knowledge of America of the greatest thinkers in Europe was primitive. Knowing this, Hennepin kept track of where he went and what he learned, planning to tell the story of his travels in this massive land that the French had christened Louisiana.

During the summer of 1680, Sieur Du Luth (Dulhut) arrived with a small French contingent, convincing the Sioux to release Hennepin and the two voyageurs. After the grueling trip back to Lake Michigan, where he was able to bivouac for several days to collect himself and rest, he celebrated mass, for he had not had wine for the Eucharist for nine months. “All our Frenchmen went to confession and communion,” he wrote in Description of Louisiana, “to thank God for having preserved us amid so many wanderings and perils.” From here he traveled back to Quebec, and eventually returned to France, where he published his Description of Louisiana in 1697, recounting his many adventures. He concluded the book restating his original aim in going to America —obedience to the Great Commission.

Father Hennepin had been a stranger in a strange land, a Frenchman lost somewhere in North America. Prayer and faith were the foundations to keep himself from the shifting sands of doubt and despair. Another man of God many years later who experienced the challenges of coming to America, an Italian immigrant, Jorge Mario Bergoglio, learned that “hope is an anchor.” In America, Hennepin realized through hunger, fear, and despair that, in Pope Francis’ words, “God has made hope for us.”

Pope Francis, Hope: The Autobiography (NY: Random House, 2025).

Louis Hennepin. A Description of Louisiana. Translated by John Shea. New York: 1880.

A version of this essay appeared in Catholic Exchange

For more see American Catholics: An Encyclopedic History, Bloomsbury Publishing: https://www.amazon.com/American-Catholics-Encyclopedic-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0FPDCD57G/ref=books_amazonstores_desktop_mfs_aufs_ap_sc_dsk_1?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=amWGR&content-id=amzn1.sym.6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_p=6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_r=142-5197957-8175817&pd_rd_wg=7BluF&pd_rd_r=ff793b35-a49e-4f38-9f31-f263eec7cbec

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Martyr for Christ: Jean de Brébeuf (1593-1649)

The images of the great martyrs of the past, those disciples and followers of Christ who committed their all—body and soul—to the Great Commission, to spread the word to all creatures worldwide, inspired Jean de Brébeuf as a young man growing up in France. To the end of personal sacrifice for Christ he became a novice of the Jesuit order in Rouen; in 1623 he was ordained a Jesuit priest. Two years later, when he was thirty-two-years old, he journeyed to America.

The French since Champlain’s founding of New France had generally befriended the native tribes of the St. Lawrence Valley. These were largely Algonquin tribes of the American northeast. French missionaries, the Jesuits and Franciscans, were pushing further west during the seventeenth century into a region the French called Huronia–what is today Ontario west of Lake Ontario and north of Lake Erie to Lake Huron–where an Iroquoian tribe, the Hurons, resided. This region among the Hurons was where Père Brébeuf ultimately wanted to perform his missionary work.

Upon arriving in New France, he at first served as a missionary with an Algonquin tribe, the Montagnais (today called the Innu), learning their language and culture so he could teach them about the life of Jesus, the sacraments of the Church, as well as prayers and the most important Scriptures. For a few years, 1629-1632, Père Brébeuf and other missionaries had to return to France because the English had taken control of Quebec; but in 1632 England relinquished control and the missionaries returned. Brébeuf journeyed to Huronia. Foretelling his future fate, Brébeuf had proclaimed on the eve of his return to New France, “Lord Jesus, my Redeemer, Thou hast saved me with Thy Blood and precious Death. In return for this favor, I promise to serve Thee all my life in Thy Society of Jesus, and never to serve anyone but Thee. I sign this promise with my own blood, ready to sacrifice it all as willingly as I do this drop.”

He ministered to the Neutral Indians of the Niagara region (an Iroquoian tribe) as well as the Huron (now known as the Wendat) during the 1630s and early 1640s. Eventually Brébeuf and other missionaries worked out of Fort St. Marie on the Wye River. The Hurons were much weaker than the Iroquois tribes to the south, the Mohawks and Senecas, and under constant threat of attack. The fort provided some protection, but not enough, for the Jesuits had spread themselves out in ten different missions in the Huron region.

In 1649 Seneca and Mohawk warriors attacked Huron villages, overrunning them. Père Brébeuf and a colleague, Père Gabriel Lalemant, where captured. The Huron villagers and the French who lived and served the missionaries were either summarily killed or captured. The Iroquois peoples of this time, before their conversion to Christianity, believed in torturing their victims to taunt and humiliate them, to watch them suffer, and to avenge their dead. The Black Robes such as Brébeuf and Lalemant especially annoyed the Iroquois because the Jesuits had made known their desire to come among the Iroquois to teach and convert and turn them to French ways of Christian civilization. The warriors made a point with these two Jesuits: they stripped them, pulled out their finger nails, and beat them with cudgels on their loins, arms, legs, belly, head, and face. All the while Père Brébeuf prayed and sang, and told the other Christians suffering torment to be true to Christ who suffered with them. Some of Brébeuf ‘s tormentors knew him. One, whom Brébeuf had tried to convert several years before, said to the priest, according to an eyewitness whose memories were later recorded in the Jesuit Relations, “thou sayest that Baptism and the sufferings of this life lead straight to Paradise; thou wilt go soon, for I am going to baptize thee, and to make thee suffer well, in order to go the sooner to thy Paradise.”

The baptizer, true to his words, began the most unimaginable tortures that are best left unsaid. It took Brébeuf hours to die and Lalemant even longer. Their martyrdom was truly Christ-like, the intense pain, the need for patience, waiting upon God’s will to take them to Him. Brébeuf knew that he was not the first, rather there had been thousands of Catholic martyrs over the centuries, and in New France, there had been martyrs before him, and others would come after. French Jesuit René Goupil, for example, had suffered martyrdom in 1642, seven years earlier, at the hands of the Iroquois. Another French martyr, Isaac Jogues, had escaped with his life after watching Goupil’s martyrdom. “During thirteen days,” he recalled, “that we spent on that journey, I suffered in the body torments almost unendurable, and, in the soul, mortal anguish.” Jogues returned to France in 1646 only to come again among the Huron, was captured again, tortured again, this time to death. He had been sent as a peace ambassador to the Mohawks, who received him and his fellow Jesuit Jean de Lalande with death. Another who had been martyred, just a year before Père Brébeuf, was Jesuit Antoine Daniel, who during an attack on the Huron village of St. Joseph, regardless of his own danger, baptized as many children as he could before they were clubbed to death by the invaders. When all was lost he stood between the attackers and the innocent children and aged and was struck down by the aggressors. There were two other Jesuits who died the same year as Père Brébeuf: Charles Garnier and Noël Chabanel. These eight who died during the decade of the 1640s were canonized by Pope Pius XI in 1930 and are known collectively as the Canadian martyrs.

The word martyr in the New Testament is Greek for witness. The Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans and other Catholic missionaries who came to America knew that in going among the American Indians that some tribes like the Iroquois were intransigent toward their teachings, and their violence and cruelty knew no bounds. Père Brébeuf knew this, yet such was his drive, his desire to spread the word of God, to fulfill the Great Commission, that he put his life in God’s hands, knowing that whatever his fate it would conform to Divine Providence: even if he was to be tortured to a horrible bloody death that it was God’s will that the other sufferers watch and learn, and that even the torturers watch and learn, so that in time, eventually, they too would succumb to God’s will, and embrace the Good News.

This essay appeared in a slightly modified form in Catholic Exchange: https://catholicexchange.com/whats-better-left-unsaid-the-testimony-of-jean-de-brebeuf-martyr/‘

For more see American Catholics: An Encyclopedic History, Bloomsbury Publishing: https://www.amazon.com/American-Catholics-Encyclopedic-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0FPDCD57G/ref=books_amazonstores_desktop_mfs_aufs_ap_sc_dsk_1?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=amWGR&content-id=amzn1.sym.6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_p=6d92b4c0-97d6-4063-b66e-20890dfbd616&pf_rd_r=142-5197957-8175817&pd_rd_wg=7BluF&pd_rd_r=ff793b35-a49e-4f38-9f31-f263eec7cbec

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The Sorrels Family Orchestra

Ephraim Deals (Deal) Sorrels, Arkansas farmer and woodcutter, was a singer and perhaps a fiddler–at least it is clear he had a musical bent. And Van, his son, took after his father. Whether or not Van was a singer is not known, but he clearly was a musician, and a fiddle-maker as well. 

Left to right John on violin, Daisy standing, Van on guitar, Susie standing between her parents, Tina on mandolin, and Martha on ukulele 

The above picture of Van and Martha and their young family of musicians appears to have been taken around 1905. The family portrait is posed beautifully, and looks as if the instruments were mere props. But they weren’t. Van and Martha, both musical, taught their children to play and christened the Sorrels Family Orchestra. This portrait, then, was perhaps a promotional photograph to encourage would-be planners of feasts, dances, celebrations, and contests to employ the Sorrels family to provide music. Family tradition has it that Van was a fiddle-maker. Did he make all of the instruments played by the family–in addition to the fiddle, the mandolin, guitar, and ukulele? The latter two instruments were relatively new on the mountain folk music scene in early Appalachia, including Arkansas. Some musicologists argue that the guitar wasn’t seen in Oklahoma until the second decade of the twentieth century. If true, then Van was a pioneer in guitar playing so early in northwest Arkansas. The ukulele was introduced to Americans from Hawaii, and became wildly popular among musicians in the early 1900s. An Arkansas music critic a few years after the family portrait was taken wrote mirthfully, “A justly famous music critic announces that the ukulele is not a musical instrument, but an instrument of torture, and that it has no place in modern civilization. But the many new-fangled ways of making people suffer have so crept into our modern civilization that the ukulele has come forward boldly and now has maintained its mournful cadence for several months.” The fiddle had the oldest pedigree among the Arkansas players of the past. Assuming that tradition is accurate, and Van made the family instruments, it reveals not just a man handy with an axe, but a skilled woodworker who could select the finest wood–for musical instruments like the fiddle maple, pine, rosewood, ebony, walnut, and mahogany–using tools such as saws, gouges, chisels, planes, knives, scrapers, callipers, hand screws, and clamps to fashion the instruments. John Broadhouse, who wrote the manual on fiddle-making in 1894, claimed: “A man of fair intelligence, and some aptitude in the use of tools, will be able to construct a violin. Whether it will be a good or a bad violin will depend mainly upon things which will come gradually, and after some failures and many attempts, within the maker’s own control. There is no magic in the art of making a fiddle, but there is a wide scope for the exercise of the mental powers of him who would make a good violin.” One guesses that Deal knew how to make fiddles, perhaps learning from his father, and he taught Van, who perhaps taught his son John. The fiddler of the family, John, who in the family portrait would have been about ten years old, did not have musical training, per se, rather that during winter or rainy days when stuck indoors in the small cabin challenged the hearing of his family screeching on the fiddle until he came to master some of the chords. Doubtless his father and grandfather steered him in the right musical direction. This was the way of fiddlers at the time in rural America anyway, playing by feel, intuitively, without music; hence the fiddler played the same songs but differently every time. Listeners didn’t mind, because the other fiddlers were doing the same thing, and the beauty of the fiddle was the loud reverberations of the strings and exhilaration of the songs. 

The fiddle and other stringed instruments highlighted conventions and contests through the American South in the early 1900s. “A typical fiddlers’ convention usually began in early afternoon and continued into the night. At 1:00 p.m., there would be an open-air concert kickoff with as many as a dozen fiddlers playing at the same time. Thirty minutes later, with the convention now in full swing, the tempo changed producing two hours of breakdown music that echoed into the surrounding hills. Its manner mirrored the simple yet often capricious life of the mountainous community.” “The evening continued with a compilation of tunes from a dozen fiddlers sawing away on “Dixie,” “Arkansas Traveler,” “’Billy in the Low Ground,” “Fox Chase” and “Devil’s Dream.” Next came a fiddler, described as having plenty of resin on his bow, fingering and bowing to “Bonaparte’s Retreat.” Seven fiddlers followed by grinding out the ditty, “Goin’ Long Down to Town.” The show concluded with a combination of performers playing: “Fire on the Mountain,” “Leather Breeches,” “Sugar in the Gourd,” “Please Don’t Shoot the Fiddle,” “Down in Bolson’s Hollow,” “Peter Went A Fishin’” and “Sally Goodin.”

Whether or not the Sorrels Family orchestra played any, some, or all of these tunes is unknown. Doubtless they played the most famous and popular fiddle tune of the day, “Arkansas Traveler,” which was a story about a traveler who came upon a shack where lived a rough impoverished squatter who was playing a tune on his fiddle. The traveler asked for directions, which the squatter was reluctant to give, until the traveler pulled out his fiddle and played the remainder of the song the squatter was playing. The squatter was so happy he gave directions, but advised the traveler to stay put instead, offering his hospitality. One popular fiddle contest in northwest Arkansas was held at Monte Ne, a resort founded by Coin Harvey held for several years in a row. During the contest held in June, 1901, the fiddlers each played “The Arkansas Traveler” and the best fiddler won. 

Ten years later, there was another fiddle contest at Monte Ne again hosted by Coin Harvey, a local celebrity. At this festivity, held August 9, 1911, after speeches and a brass band playing tunes, as the fiddlers prepared for the contest several stringed orchestras played for the crowd. One of those orchestras was “the Sorrels family orchestra of West Fork.” By this time, Van appears to have dropped out of the orchestra, according to surviving photos. John was sixteen, Tina was fourteen, Daisy was ten, and Susie was eight. The photo inscribed with names by Susie appears to have been taken a few years earlier, perhaps about 1908. Susie omitted (or when she wrote the names forgot) the tall brunette girl in the middle. Who was she and how did she fit the band? One possibility is Ethel Abshier, a friend of the family who often played music with the Sorrels.

Indeed, several years later, perhaps about 1915 or 1916, a photo was taken of a much different family orchestra, in this case combining two families, the Sorrels and the Abshiers. The Abshier family lived nearby the Sorrels and became good friends. George and Tonie Abshier, on the left sitting and standing, George played banjo and Tonie played guitar, and their son Lacy, far right played the violin, and their daughter Ethel, sitting in center played guitar, were joined by Tina Sorrels, standing next to Tonie playing guitar, Martha, playing ukulele standing between Tina and her son John, playing violin, and the two younger Sorrels girls, Susie on the right, and Daisy on the left, with her face partially obscure–both girls playing ukuleles.An obscure notice in the Springdale News for April 28, 1916, reads in full: “Geo. Abshier, his daughter Miss Ethel and Mr. Sorrls and his three sisters of Cove Creek came over for the entertainment and furnished music for the play.” What the reporter meant was that George Abshier and daughter Ethel of Cove Creek, Arkansas, joined John Sorrels and sisters Tina, Daisy, and Susie to provide entertainment at a school play, as schools in northwestern Arkansas in late April, 1916, were engaging in various festivities to bring their school year to a close. 

For a complete history of Van Sorrels and his extended family see Van Sorrels the Woodcutting Musician | Ash Hill Publishing

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Van Sorrels, the Woodcutting Musician

As the woodcutter sawed and chopped and hewed oak, hickory, maple, and pine, he sang songs to the past, to the land, and to the Lord.

His name was Van. He was a simple man. He could read and write but he had no formal schooling. Yet he was a thinker. He was a big man, stout, strong, blue-eyed, a firm gazer, an honest looker, a man whom others trusted, who kept his word, who believed firmly that the Lord watched him always, and knowing this, Van wished his actions to be pleasing to God.

Van had light hair tended toward reddish-brown, hence he fit the surname Sorrell, which literally means, reddish-brown, or auburn–a Norman-English name. Indeed the Sorrells according to tradition were Normans who came to England with William the Conqueror in 1066. Some authorities claim that the Sorrels were Huguenots from France.  In America the name has been spelled variously, Sorrel, Sorrel, Sorrels, Sorrells, and so on. The immigrants from the British-Isles are often of Scotch-Irish extraction. Many moved south and west in America. Some of the earliest Sorrell immigrants arrived in Virginia in the first half of the seventeenth century. For example there was a Robert Sorrell who came to Virginia and owned 800 acres in James County. He could have been the same Robert Sorrell who died during Bacon’s Rebellion

This man Van of Norman and English extraction of reddish-brown hair had hard muscles, because he worked from dawn to dusk, most days, cutting trees in the forest, cutting off the limbs, dragging the large trunks to his workshop, hewing the wood into various shapes, squares and rectangles that could be used for fencing, barn and cabin framing, railroad ties, and such. During winter he spent much of his time cutting firewood for customers. Sometimes his work was more intricate: preparing wood for the delicate task of fashioning a stringed instrument. Some of this work took thought, some of it did not; he supplemented the routine actions with traditional songs and hymns, many of which he had memorized, others he had composed based off of the original–his own compositions, his own verse–which he said or hummed, thinking that later in the day, after dusk, he would sit next to the fireplace strumming his guitar, or making the mandolin sing. And his wife would join in, their voices merging together, the mandolin, guitar, or fiddle combining together in joyous tunes of praise to the Lord, the land, and the past.

Van’s great-great-great grandfather William Sorrels lived in Virginia, born in 1735, died in 1780 during the War for Independence. He was a veteran of the French-Indian War, discharged early in the war in 1755. He was once again involved in the War for Independence, even though he was in his forties. A record exists showing that he was part of a medical staff caring for wounded soldiers, including his son Richard, who died from his wounds. William appears to have married Ann Holloway, ten years older, in 1749. They both died in 1780. Although there is a record of a Thomas Sorrell dying in 1777 during the war, it was probably not William and Anna’s son Thomas, who died in 1832. Whether or not such historical records ever occurred to Van, I would doubt, as he was a farmer and woodchopper, not the type to care about the details of his forebears in the Revolution. Perhaps he had good reason, as the records are very vague and uncertain, and it is only speculation that William and Anna and Thomas were his ancestors. 

 Imagine one November day that found Van alone in the forest about a mile from his cabin. He was hard at work felling a huge oak tree. It was difficult, dangerous work. His ax rang out into the silence of the forest as he struck and struck again and again. The steel blade of his ax attached to a hard ash handle was his pride, his livelihood, an expensive, elegant tool that he kept sharp every day, in the morning before going off into the woods, grinding and whetting the blade until it shined and was ready for the day’s work. This day, Van struck at the oak, the blade digging deeper and deeper, the wood shavings flailing into the air, the smell of the cut wood inundating the air. He knew that his work was life to him and to his family yet death to the tree. This tree was old, much older than Van, and had been in this forest for several score years. Yet Van was bringing about the tree’s demise. He might have thought about this as he swung his ax. He did not sense that the tree felt anything. But to bring about death to anything, any creature–and the tree was certainly a creature, created by God—was solemn work. The forest surrounded him with life. There were countless trees like this one. The forest filled a purpose for him, so that he and his family might live. Such was the course of life and death in God’s creation.

Van swung the ax, in rhythm with time, with the Creation, and he thought of simple words, like a verse for a song. Such is how this simple man passed his days, working in the forest, cutting wood, thinking, singing, perhaps even creating a Psalter in his head to justify his existence, to make peace with God’s creation.

Van’s ax fashioned the cabin, we imagine, in which his young family resided. It was a solid pine cabin with oak flooring. Van had constructed a hearth on the north side of the cabin to counter the coolest winds of the winter. It was a broad hearth that dominated the room, which was altogether spacious for his family, with one part a parlor for sitting and conversing, another part with beds for sleeping, and the hearth itself for cooking, warming, sitting, reading, relaxing. Van had his chair before the fire. He found it stimulated his thinking. His wife Martha had her rocking chair next to his before the fire. Here she worked with her hands, sewing, mending clothes, cutting the vegetables for the family meals, holding her book to read, or sitting quietly next to her husband in the simplicity of daily life. Unlike him she was small, not weak but still delicate, appearing like a fragile flower, at least in Van’s mind. She was pretty in a basic feminine way. Her hair was long; she kept it up in the fashion of the day. She wore long dresses of her own manufacture. She was fond of simple pastel colors: blues, pinks, yellows. She spun her own thread at the spinning wheel, situated at the northwest corner of the cabin. Here she had a basket filled with yarn and thread. She had a small table with scissors, pins, pin cushions, thimbles, and such tools of the dressmaker’s trade. She made her own dresses, and perhaps even made Van’s trousers and shirts.

Van and Martha lived in the forest and hills of northwest Arkansas, in the small town of Rule in Carroll County. Van worked the land he rented. A small part of this land was plowed and planted for subsistence living: they grew potatoes, corn, okra, tomatoes, lettuce, beans, and squash. There were wild fruit trees and vines throughout, such as persimmon, mulberry, blackberry, blueberry. Van made maple syrup from maple trees in the late winter. He supplemented their diet with fishing. Osage Creek, a mountain stream that flowed into the Illinois River, cut through Van’s rented acreage. The river hosted trout for the cunning angler to supply the dinner table. Van spent part of almost every day fishing. It was relaxing, after a long day swinging the ax. And it was important for his livelihood. The shallow river was fresh and cool, perfect for trout. Van made his own poles and flies and was quite a good fisher.

Fishing was a thoughtful, solemn activity. Van stood at the riverbank, or waded close to shore, fishing quietly. Van listened to the water, to the breeze flowing through the trees, and thought of the ways of the Lord, who communicates so silently.

The dangers of the Arkansas forest were many. But Van knew that God was with him and his family. His father, an Arkansas farmer, had taught Van the greatest lesson he sought to teach. Rely on the Lord. Life is filled with happenstance, it seems. There is danger and death. Rely on the Lord. Van was not a man of great words, rather great thoughts. He spoke when necessary.

Van was not a preacher. Preachers were prolific, of course, among the people of Arkansas, and Van knew quite a few, had listened to even more. The Bible was the great source of knowledge of God, not preachers–though they served their purpose. Van believed in reading the Bible, the source of wisdom.

The farmers and laborers of Carroll County met on Sundays at the Baptist church. It was a small, rectangular building fashioned with wood, built by the people of the town. The pews were of hardwood, and they were uncomfortable to sit in in summer when the clothes stuck to the wood and in winter when the fireplace at the north end hardly warmed the place. The preacher told the people that this was a way to mortify themselves, deny themselves, to prepare for the inevitable meeting with the Lord. “You shall meet the Lord soon,” he said; “some of you sooner than others. Prepare yourselves for His wrath.” Van heard the preacher’s message and wondered about God’s ways. Would God send some to Hell, others to Heaven, as the preacher said? Who goes where, and why? These were difficult matters to consider, and Van’s questions and uncertainty matched others in the congregation.

The time we are describing, 1895, provides few records to help us discover much about Van and Martha’s lives. They were married March 27, 1895, in Mountain Home, Arkansas. Mountain Home was Van’s birthplace, and his parents, Ephraim Deals and Sarah Amelia Sorrels, yet lived there. Martha was born in northern Texas, Titus County, to Joseph Wesley and Jerusha Clementine Tully. Her parents had relocated to the town of Liberty in Carroll County, Arkansas, seventy miles from Mountain Home, where she met Van. Soon after their marriage, Van and Martha set up housekeeping in Rule, Carroll County, near where Joseph and Jerusha lived. And, soon after the marriage, Martha became pregnant with their first child.

The people of Northwest Arkansas were mostly whites, descendants of immigrants who came to the original southern colonies; many had relocated to Arkansas from North Carolina and Tennessee. There were few blacks who lived and farmed in Carroll County; before the Civil War there were few slaves in this region. The people generally had not been slave owners, hence opposed secession, as did their forebears in eastern Tennessee; but when push came to shove and it was a choice between the Confederacy and the invaders, the Union troops, the people of Northwest Arkansas went with the Confederacy. Part of the reason for their choice was the presence of armed bands of Union troops, some official army, some Jayhawkers from Missouri and Arkansas, that brought lawlessness to the region. The independent-mindedness of the people did not pay off, as much of Carroll County was overrun with Union troops, who destroyed and confiscated as they marched through the farmlands. Rule was a small town that was founded after the war; the population was scarce and scattered, and Van and Martha had land, wood, and fish but few neighbors. Joseph and Jerusha lived nearby. The land was mountainous, good for apples, grapes, and peaches as well as family gardens. The land was well-watered. Besides Osage Creek, other good places to fish included King’s River and White River. Oak and cedar provided wood for fences, rustic furniture, and the warmth of family hearths. Traveling in Carroll County was a chore in the late 1800s. Even today the highways are few and far between, windy and filled with quick elevations succeeded by rapid declensions in the road. Walking, riding horseback, or traveling by horse and buggy would have been treacherous in a land of contrary weather and quick storms brewing, rough often nonexistent roads, thick forests, and rapid sometimes uncrossable streams. It tended to make people stay put. It is surprising, however, how often Van and Martha, Ephraim and Sarah, Joseph and Jerusha, and other members of the Sorrels and Tully families, moved–it was poverty and want, more than anything else, that forced the frequent movement, usually west. 

Van and Martha about 1906   

For a complete history of Van Sorrels and his extended family, purchase my biographical portrait published at see Van Sorrels the Woodcutting Musician | Ash Hill Publishing

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The Mirror of the Past is found in Books

The mirror of the past is the only way to peer at the image of what is human. The reflection is darkened by time and sin. Specters of the dead, haunting the dusty stacks of long-ago thoughts, turn up repeatedly, if indistinctly, on library shelves and in the dens of archivists. Storytellers such as the Greek Homer, abstract philosophers such as the Athenian Plato and John the Evangelist, poets such as King David and the Italian Petrarch, historians such as the Romans Livy and Tacitus, biographers such as the Greek Plutarch and the Physician Luke, essayists such as the Roman Seneca, the emperor Marcus Aurelius, and the Frenchman Michel de Montaigne, lived the past, made it their own, spoke to it and heard a response. Such writers expressed empathy toward past lives that span the ages. They engaged in a dialogue with the past, a discussion of self in light of others, creating a sensitive portrait, based on the varied experiences of humans at particular places and times, of the image of God in human, apparent throughout the ages. This is true history.

This site is called The American Plutarch as a paean to the writer, philosopher, historian of ancient Greece, Plutarch, whose lives of ancient heroes drew me, many years ago, into the world of the classical past, made me yearn to resurrect past lives, to find in the past the clues to contentment in the present and ways to meet the future. Plutarch’s ability to empathize with past lives became my goal as a writer, philosopher, and historian: to empathize with human lives, those of the past and present. As the years have passed, I have come to realize that empathy to past and present lives should not be limited to human lives, but should be expanded to all lives: all that lives, has lived, will live, on this Earth. Plutarch, too, believed in respecting all life on the Earth–he continues to be a model for what I believe.

The bits and pieces of writing and thinking at this site, The American Plutarch, represents a variety of turns of mind I have experienced during my previous scores of years living on Earth. You will find a bit of the skeptic, a bit of the humanist, a bit of the naturalist, a bit of the existentialist, and a bit of the theist. Life has taught me that what we think we know is more of a shadow of reality than reality. These shadows can be haunting, darkening, hiding the true light of reality. I am unprepared to say that something does not exist just because I have not seen it. I have experienced the presence of the supernatural in my life that discounts all of the pretenses of the skeptical humanist and atheist, who appear downright arrogant and misguided to me. I believe in keeping an open mind about everything. How can anyone, living moment to moment in time, actually know very much? I’ve learned this lesson over the years, and feel content in thinking, listening, learning, seeking wisdom with the perspective of a child, which, after all, is what we all are, no matter our respective age.

Please read my thoughts, ponder them, respond to them if you will, and help me to engage in a dialogue with the past (and the present)!

I have written quite a few books!

My latest is The Memory of Katie Perkins, a book about a woman growing up, living, and dying during the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Rhode Island. The book relies on postcards, letters, photographs, and more to recreate life during this time. It is a family history, telling the story of the Perkins family of New England. You can buy the book at Amazon: https://www.amazon.com/Memories-Katie-Perkins-Related-Families/dp/B0CH2QVCYY/ref=sr_1_1?crid=1FU1GNCJLLDR1&keywords=the+memories+of+katie+perkins&qid=1695060008&sprefix=the+memories+of+katie+perkins%2Caps%2C168&sr=8-1

For religious reflection check out my Kindle book, God is Love: Reflections on the Psalms, which is an ecumenical, spiritual, meditative, historical reflection on the 150 Psalms of David. The book is meant to inspire reflection on the historical and existential purpose of the Psalms, an active search for and communication with God, a meditative dialogue with God’s words that links the meditative person with so many like seekers and thinkers over the centuries. The book can be purchased here:

https://www.amazon.com/God-Love-Dr-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0BJN7CMZ5/?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=WRgNJ&content-id=amzn1.sym.cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_p=cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_r=131-5357366-7549647&pd_rd_wg=w4nRk&pd_rd_r=6b38bb67-d8bb-488d-b788-e615b81910a4&ref_=aufs_ap_sc_dsk

Also, Science in the Ancient World: From Antiquity through the Middle Ages, which is a full narrative account of ancient thought. It can be purchased at Amazon at this link:

In 2015, I published a complete reappraisal of Captain John Smith, in which I examine Smith’s role as an explorer and ad hoc missionary: The Sea Mark: Captain John Smith’s Voyage to New England.

Published in June, 2018, a biography of the explorer and missionary Daniel Little, who repeatedly journeyed to the eastern Maine frontier before and after the American Revolution: Apostle of the East: The Life and Journeys of Daniel Little.

Several ambitious publications include a book juxtaposing Jesus of Nazareth with his time, 2000 years ago: Metamorphosis: How Jesus of Nazareth Vanquished the Legion of Fear.

Why does fear continue to overwhelm humans, even today, in the 21st century, with our many labor-saving, health-generating, information-gathering, and technological savvy devices? Why should not happiness and contentment be the dominant feelings rather than fear and foreboding?

Like so many today, I believe that ancient wisdom has something to say about this perplexing question. Ancient philosophy and religion provide so many answers to the questions that face us.

And yet … As I have spent many years studying Eastern and Western Scriptures and books—the Taoists, Buddhists, Hebrews, Platonists, Stoics, and Skeptics—I never really quite arrived at the answer.

Then I discovered, largely by happenstance, and unexpectedly, that one ancient source summarizes, even is based on, the knowledge and wisdom of the ancients: the New Testament and its great teacher, Jesus of Nazareth.

Seeking to understand how the New Testament and the teachings of Jesus reflect ancient thought, I wrote this book:

My argument is that the New Testament writers, following the life, teachings, and actions of Jesus, represent a culmination of ancient thought and provide a solution to vanquishing the legions of fear that still plague humanity today.

All of the blog posts found at this site are copyright Russell M. Lawson. If you use words and ideas from any post please site them accordingly. 

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Books by Russell M. Lawson

https://www.amazon.com/dp/0977244806

https://www.amazon.com/God-Love-Dr-Russell-Lawson/dp/B0BJN7CMZ5/?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=THevk&content-id=amzn1.sym.cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_p=cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_r=131-5357366-7549647&pd_rd_wg=EIPi9&pd_rd_r=3c1a4049-8b05-405c-b98a-c359ff449dcc&ref_=aufs_ap_sc_dsk

American Catholics: An Encyclopedic History: Beginning with North America’s contact with three imperialist powers (Spain, France, and England), this narrative account tells the story of how Catholicism became and continues to be part of the basic religious and cultural fiber of North America. The book follows a narrative chronological and thematic format, focusing on people, events, practices, social and cultural phenomena, and institutions. People discussed include the well-known, such as Christopher Columbus and Junipero Serra, and the not-so-well-known, such as Juniper Berthiaume and Jean Louis Berlandier.

With 33 chapter divided into 7 parts and all drawing on primary sources, this book engages with topics such as the overwhelming violence against Indigenous people and the religion’s role in wars, politics, and modern-day culture.

The Lawsons of the American Southern Hill Country: The Lawson family in America were often common people who made their way south and west in colonial America, many of whom in time dwelt in mountainous areas, such as the Appalachians and foothills as well as the small mountain chains of Arkansas, Missouri, and eastern Oklahoma that make up the Ozarks and Ouachitas. Before the twentieth century, they tended to be farmers, generally sufficiently poor not to own slaves in the South, hence relying on the common work of large families and strong kinship networks. Lawsons often lived by each other and often moved to new places, such as in Arkansas, together. They tended to be evangelical Protestants and believers in hard work and traditional family and community values. A history of some of the Lawsons over the past several centuries exemplifies what many American families experienced in the transitional period in American history from the eighteenth-century colonial period to the new nation of the nineteenth century and the onset of modernization from the mid-nineteenth century to today

Van Sorrels: The Woodcutting Musician: This is the story of a woodcutter who lived in Northwest Arkansas. Van Sorrels was a simple man. He could read and write but he had no formal schooling. Yet he was a thinker. He was a big man, stout, strong, blue-eyed, a firm gazer, an honest looker, a man whom others trusted, who kept his word, who believed firmly that the Lord watched him always, and knowing this, Van wished his actions to be pleasing to God. Van was a musician who made his own stringed instruments and taught his family how to play, forming a family orchestra. The time described in this book is the late 1800s, early 1900s. Van Sorrels, son of Deal and Sarah Sorrels, was married to Martha Tully, daughter of Wesley and Jerusha Tully. This man Van of Norman and English extraction with reddish-brown hair and hard muscles worked from dawn to dusk, most days, cutting trees in the forest, cutting off the limbs, dragging the large trunks to his workshop, hewing the wood into various shapes, squares and rectangles that could be used for fencing, barn and cabin framing, railroad ties, and such. During winter he spent much of his time cutting firewood for customers. Sometimes his work was more intricate: preparing wood for the delicate task of fashioning a stringed instrument. Some of this work took thought, some of it did not; he supplemented the routine actions with traditional songs and hymns, many of which he had memorized, others he had composed based off of the original, which he said or hummed, thinking that later in the day, after dusk, he would sit next to the fireplace strumming his guitar, or making the mandolin sing. And his wife and children would join in, their voices merging together, the mandolin, guitar, and fiddle combining together in joyous tunes of praise to the Lord, the land, and the past.
The book is as well a genealogical study of Van’s forebears and his descendants, focusing especially on his grandparents, his granduncles and grandaunts, his parents, and aunts and uncles, his cousins and second cousins, and his children, their spouses, and their children.

The Memories of Lida Newcomb: Lida Newcomb’s life was never easy. Before her third birthday, her father died, and Lida watched her grieving mother sink into depression. The family soon traveled from California to Maine, where Lida spent her formative years. Through the struggles of life in turn of the 20th century New England, Lida found joy in the little things: family, children, and the beauty of Country Pond, her most beloved place in all the world. Though she passed away in 1941, her memories live on.

The Memories of Katie Perkins: The Story of the Perkins and Related Families of New England

This story of Katie Perkins and her family and friends is centered around hundreds of photographs portraying Victorian and Edwardian life in New England as well as hundreds of postcards with messages about family and friends covering the period from 1902 to 1922. Katie kept these photo albums and postcards, and they were passed down to the present by means of her brother Will Perkins and niece Florence Beatrice Brown Phillips. Along with the photos and postcards are diaries, letters, family documents, news clippings, and other such primary source documents from the late 19th and early 20th centuries. These documents inform us of a variety of local and family affairs relating to the Perkins and related families: the Reynolds, Phillips, Brown, Cash, Follett, Tyler, Wilcox, Church, Tourgee, and Prosser families of New England and the Crawford and Lennox families of Scotland.

https://www.amazon.com/Memories-Katie-Perkins-Related-Families/dp/B0CH2QVCYY/?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_w=THevk&content-id=amzn1.sym.cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_p=cf86ec3a-68a6-43e9-8115-04171136930a&pf_rd_r=131-5357366-7549647&pd_rd_wg=EIPi9&pd_rd_r=3c1a4049-8b05-405c-b98a-c359ff449dcc&ref_=aufs_ap_sc_dsk

The Christmas Miracle: This novella is a fictional account of one person’s search for God, for love, as he arrives at the final moment of his life.Calvin is a middle aged husband and father dying of cancer. He is spending his last days in a hospice. The book examines his last day of life, Christmas Eve into Christmas Day. Amid the pain and suffering, Calvin experiences a recurring dream in which he is searching for truth, attempting to fill in a scroll with words of truth. In an imaginary dream town, he tries various means to uncover the truth, without success. Finally, in the late afternoon of Christmas Eve, he finds himself standing in line in an alley of the town. He converses with several people–a smoker, a knitter, a professor, and a little bald man. As they wait for the end of the line, they try to figure out what the line is for. Their conversation takes a religious turn, and the professor tries to convince everyone that Christianity is nonsense. He is skeptical and secular. The little bald man tries to counter the professor’s arguments, generally without success. As the line proceeds outside of town into a hilly environment, and as darkness falls and fog envelops them, they cease their conversations. Calvin is alone with his thoughts. He is not sure why he is in the line, where it is taking him. Eventually, at dawn, he comes to a hill on which is a ladder. Unsure why, for what purpose, he scales it anyway, and arrives at a long wooden horizontal post with a hammer and nails. There are notes hammered to the wood. Calvin reads them. They are confessions of error, pain, suffering, and sin–to whom is unclear. Meanwhile Calvin, in the hospice, goes in and out of sleep. He is experiencing horrible pain, and knows he is close to death. The dream intrigues him. As he grows closer and closer to the end, the dream reaches a culmination as well.

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Apostle of the East
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The Sea Mark
Portsmouth: An Old Town by the Sea
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Review of The Sea Mark: Captain John Smith’s Voyage to New England

The Nautilus: A Maritime Journal of Literature, History, and Culture,  (The Nautilus VII (Spring 2016): 115-118: nautilus.maritime.edu/) published a review of my book: The Sea Mark: Captain John Smith’s Voyage to New England (University of New England Press, 2015): the review, reproduced by permission, follows:

The Nautilus VII (Spring 2016) Copyright © 2016 by The Massachusetts Maritime Academy. All rights reserved.

The Sea Mark: Captain John Smith’s Voyage to New England. By Russell M. Lawson. 248 pp. Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 2015. $29.95 cloth; $24.99 ebook. ISBN 978-1-61168-516-9 (cloth); ISBN 978-1-61168-717-0 (ebook).

When Captain John Smith published his work A Description of New England (1616) after escaping from pirates with only his life and the manuscript detailing his 1614 voyage to America, several people contributed panegyric verses to their “worthy” and “respected” friend’s volume. A typical sentiment praised Smith’s accomplishments and chided the jealousy that seemed to follow the captain: “That which we call the subject of all Storie, / Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine gives glorie / To all that thou has done. Then scorne the spight / Of Envie; that doth no man’s merit right.” Smith certainly had a penchant for self-aggrandizement, declaring any and all of England’s successes in the American colonies “but pigs of my own sowe” (174). This self-perception did not endear him to many of his contemporaries nor to historians long after his death, who continued to question the trustworthiness of his accounts of his adventures as late as the close of the nineteenth century. As Russell Lawson argues in The Sea Mark, more recent historians, who, like their predecessors have had nothing but Smith’s own nine published works on which to evaluate him, have not only debunked the naysayers, but showed “he was sometimes too honest for his own good” (xiii).
By the time Smith left London in March 1614 to explore the New England coast from Penobscot Bay to Cape Cod, he was in his mid-thirties and had already served as a soldier in the Netherlands and the Balkans; been captured and sold as a slave in Istanbul (securing his freedom by strangling his master and escaping); joined a French pirate ship; and taken part, as a leader, in the Jamestown expedition in Virginia from 1607 to 1609. Within the context of this rich and varied life, Pocahontas seems but a footnote. Captain Smith’s entire life presents itself as a series of perils, close calls, betrayals, captivities (he lost his freedom a second time, for some months, to pirates), and thwarted goals. Lawson seeks to engage in a “humanist history” of Smith, following Montaigne’s belief in uncovering the historical past by “building a dialogue” with the dead (18). Focusing
on Capt. Smith’s expedition to New England with forty-five men in
two barks, memorialized in Smith’s book A Description of New England,
Lawson recounts not only Smith’s aspirations for colonization
in the new England, but his thwarted hopes later in life when bad
weather, pirates, lack of financial support, or a combination thereof
at various times seemed to conspire to defeat him.
The expedition to New England, with a base of operations on
Monhegan Island off the coast of Maine, was meant to be “a brief
voyage of discovery by which to establish more solid plans for a
plantation, a self-sustaining fishing colony that would be a successful
vanguard of the English” (135). Unlike explorers who were intent
on discovering precious metals, Smith’s dreams were of fish—and
the bounty they could afford to the common man. In this land, Smith
saw the opportunity for a man, in Lawson’s words, “to find a place to
work, build, sweat, breathe, eat the product of one’s labor, live in the
results of one’s work, [and] glory in the unprepossessing enjoyment
of a simple life” denied to him in England (117). Having already
explored the Chesapeake and its tributaries, Smith now intended to
map the New England coast and find both good harbors and rich
fishing grounds. His explorations proved the existence of the abundant
sea life he had suspected: “He is a very bad fisher [who] cannot
kill in one day with his hooke and line, one, two, or three hundred
Cods” (119). With some initiative, “Here every man may be master
and owner of his own labor and land; or the greatest part in a small
time. If he have nothing but his hands, he may set up this trade;
and by industry quickly grow rich; spending but half that time well,
which in England we abuse in idleness, worse or as ill” (157).
The majority of the book’s chapters trace Smith’s voyage along the
New England coast, beginning with the expedition’s base on Monhegan
Island, where a majority of the men remained to fish, while
Smith and eight others travelled by shallop, first north to the Penobscot
Bay area, then south to the Sagadahoc [Kennebec], Smith’s Isles
[Isles of Shoals], Cape Tragabigzanda [Cape Ann], Massachusetts
and Plymouth bays, and Cape James [Cape Cod]. The expedition can
be deemed a success: Smith “explored the 44th to 41st degrees north
latitude,” saw “at least 40 . . . habitations” on the seacoast, communicated
with the Algonquian peoples he met on route, and “sounded
about 25 excellent Harbours” (136, 137). The expedition ended on
a sour note, however, when, Smith claims, one of the men, Capt.
Thomas Hunt, attempted to abscond with Smith’s maps and notes
“and so to leave me alone in a desolate Ile” (144). This same Hunt
later kidnapped Tisquantum, who had served as Smith’s interpreter
and guide and who would later escape and befriend the Pilgrims,
who knew him as Squanto. While Smith’s return voyage to England
was uneventful, his luck would reach a nadir in the ensuing years,
and he never returned to America to establish the fishing colony he
envisioned.
It seemed in 1615 that Smith’s dream would be realized, when
two ships set sail from Plymouth, England to found a fishing colony,
but the vessels encountered pirates three times before crossing the
Atlantic: First, the ships were beset by the pirate Fry off the coast
of Devon; while that encounter ended “amiably,” a second encounter,
with two French pirate ships off the Azores, required a dramatic
escape; finally, the pirates of the French ship Don de Dieu, with the
encouragement of duplicitous members of Smith’s expedition, took
Smith prisoner, while letting the others proceed on their voyage to
America. Held for months on the Don de Dieu while it plundered vessels
off the Azores, Smith managed to write A Description of New England
with quill, ink, and paper supplied by the corsairs. This “journal,
human history, natural history, promotional tract for self and
England, geographical essay, and apology for colonization” (156)
only made it to print by virtue of Smith’s intrepidity: Passed from
one pirate to another, he finally took his chances and escaped—with
nothing but his clothes and his manuscript—in a small boat in the
middle of a storm.
All of Smith’s further attempts to return to America came to
naught. Until his death in 1631, Smith continued to write of his explorations
and to lament his inability to carry out his colonizing dreams.
While sometimes “neare ridden to death in a ring of despaire” (xv),
Smith remained confident in his own capabilities. In A Description of
New England, he had written that “it is not the worke for every one,
to manage such an affaire as makes discoveries and plants a Colony.
It requires all the best parts of Art, Judgement, Courage, Honesty,
Constancy, Diligence, and Industrie, to do but neere well” (97-8). At
the end of his life, Smith reiterated his commitment and connection
to the new England, claiming “by that acquaintance I have with them
[New England and Virginia], I may call them my children; for they
have bin my wife, my hawks, my hounds, my cards, my dice, and in
total my best content” (174).
Champlain, Gosnold, Cabot, Verrazanno, Hakluyt, Frobisher.
Smith believed he belonged in this pantheon, and surely he does. The
Sea Mark reminds us of the intrepidity of these men—this man—who
if not fearlessly, then boldly crossed the sea to explore distant shores
and imagine what the New World could be.
​
Kathryn Mudgett is Editor of The Nautilus.

Purchase The Sea Mark at The Seamark: Captain John Smith’s Voyage to New England | Ash Hill Publishing

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